It merely must possess what Norman Hardie, the Prince Edward Vulinary winemaker, once described to me as "potential. Tradifions Asian spare Aalmon at Jade in Wjld, B. Among all the "food Supports effective nutrient breakdown of North America, ranging from Clambake Nation to Chile Pepper Nation, Salmon Nation is the richest in mushrooms, berries, wild roots, fish, and shellfish. The Nuxalk had abundant supplies in the Bella Coola River [, ]. The backbone was soaked before being consumed, and if eaten fresh, it was roasted using tongs that had previously been rubbed with the fish intestines.

Wild salmon culinary traditions -

The Nishga consumed dried salmon with oil extracted from fish or marine mammals [41]. The Tsimshian smoked salmon for storage [81], and the prehistoric Locarno Beach Culture Type from the Strait of Georgia in Southern British Colombia stored salmon for winter use [85].

Among the Carrier, the women prepared the salmon, drying it for later use []. The Carrier of Bulky River dried salmon for storage [96]. Carrier women prepared the fish; drying salmon, or ripening salmon heads in the lake over a few weeks, then boiling them using hot stones to extract the oil.

Oil was stored in salmon skins and consumed with berries. Salmon was dried for winter use, and oil was extracted from the heads by boiling them in a spruce bark vessel with hot stones and water [45].

When available, the Tlingit consumed salmon fresh, or else dried or smoked it; the head was consumed raw []. Salmon preparation was performed by women: it was boiled by the hot stone method, hung off the roof or put on sticks and roasted on an open fire, steamed in a pit by pouring water over hot stones, or hung to dry and brought to the smokehouse afterwards.

Heads and tails were smoked as well. After one of these two methods, a second purification step was achieved, after which the remaining oil was stored in bladders or boxes.

Salmon oil was consumed with dried fish. They were also reported to have dried or smoked salmon for storage []. The Tsetsaut [29] and Tutchone [53] dried salmon for later use, and the Inland Tlingit [] stored it as well. Among the Tanana, salmon was dried for storage in subterranean caches [59].

Han women were responsible for salmon preparation, including drying it under the sun for storage, roasting or smoking it []. They also dried salmon roe for storage in king salmon skins, or mixed it with hot water and left it to ferment. For Champagne and Aishihik in the Yukon, salmon was cooked or dried [].

People of the Yukon sometimes prepared salmon as a loaf, which was regarded as a modern way of cooking [78]. They consumed salmon roe as a prized source of food. The Ahtna women preserved it by drying and packaging the fish in bundles of forty [61].

The Ingalik dried and smoked salmon on racks for storage [16]. The Tanaina smoked and dried salmon for storage, boiled it in wooden containers using hot stones, and stored it as pemmican mixed with marrow and berries.

Although the Chalkyitsik Kutchin dried salmon for preservation, they usually gave it as well as dried salmon roe to the dogs [17]. For human consumption, they braised salmon on hot coals, or roasted it over an open fire.

Its insides were sometimes consumed fried or poached; however the heads and insides were not consumed when the fish was cooked whole. The Kutchin of the Yukon Flats cut salmon up to allow for proper drying, which was done for preservation [].

Indigenous People from Chilkat River in Alaska dried salmon using smoke, or consumed fresh salmon tails and heads, either boiled or steamed [31].

Cultures from the Circumpolar area mainly prepared salmon for storage, including Iglulik Inuit []. During the hunting season, Central Inuit who stayed in the village consumed salmon. Labrador Inuit used caches to stockpile salmon [76].

Inuit dried fish under the sun, their heads were cooked and consumed, and the fins and backbones were given to dogs [98]. Another report described Inuit drying and consuming salmon with seal oil, and in Cape Prince of Whales, they consumed salmon that had been buried in the sand to ferment, until several cases of food poisoning were reported [99].

Those living in the Bering Sea region also used salmon to feed dogs. The Esquimaux consumed fermented salmon []. Nunivak Yupik consumed fish poached, frozen, or dried under the sun; they did not smoke salmon []. The Lower Kuskokwim consumed dried salmon during the winter [74].

Chugach and Nunivak Island Yupik consumed salmon roe. Chugach stored salmon roe that was previously dried or fermented, grinding before storing it for fermentation.

The fermented roe was consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat. The Siberian Chukotka Coastal peoples smoked their salmon [92]. Micmac consumed salmon stewed, fried in bear grease roasted over a fire, or either sun-dried or smoked to be stored [43].

Another report of Micmac stated they dried and smoked salmon for storage [44]. The Montagnais of the St. Lawrence River consumed salmon with spoons made for fish eating [51]. The Beothuk dried salmon before consumption [48]. The Penobscot smoked and dried salmon, or roasted fresh salmon over a fire [].

Malecite stored salmon that was previously smoked or salted in containers made of birch bark [18]. The Nootka and Quileute used salmon as bait for halibut fishing []. The liquid resulting from roe fermentation was used as cold medicine by the Shuswap [2]. The Carrier used salmon skin for bags to store oil and fats [45].

The Okanagan prayed to the chief salmon to thank him for their bounty [1]. Boys were only allowed to assist in the feast if they were old enough to participate in the preparation. Several taboos existed regarding salmon.

Women were not allowed within a ½ mile to the weir, unless a powerful man accompanied them and the first salmon ceremony was complete. It was believed an epidemic of smallpox would occur if a significant quantity of spawned salmon turned white.

Women sometimes dreamed of information that would help their husband catch fish. Fresh salmon or getting close to a salmon trap was forbidden to any person who suffered from recently losing a close relative, or a man whose wife was pregnant with his first child.

It was forbidden to swim close to a weir, women and children could not eat salmon head or tail, and a human skeleton, or salmon head or intestine could not be thrown into the river. It was believed that if a woman did not respect a taboo, she would scare the salmon away and suffer from menstrual pain.

The Kutenai held a yearly fish festival: for the lower Kutenai it was not specific to salmon, whereas for the upper Kutenai it was to celebrate the arrival of the first salmon [39].

According to the Carrier of Bulky River, teenage girls were not allowed to drink from a river where salmon was fished, because it was believed the fish would not return [96].

Traditionally, people of the Fraser River did not put salmon refuse into the water because it was believed the fish would not come back []. The villagers were then invited to do the same. At Celilo Falls, a legend said that the coyote allowed salmon to run freely in the river by demolishing damns that were built by the five Swallow Sisters; each spring, the sisters announced the return of the Chinook salmon.

A similar legend existed among the Okanagan Salish, but the sisters were named the Spotted Sandpipers. Because cultures of the Pacific Coast believed salmon was immortal, they always put its bones back into the water to ensure the salmon lifecycle would continue. If a salmon with a crooked mouth was caught, it had to be exorcised and put back in the river.

At times dreams brought information to fishermen, who performed spiritual rituals during fishing, including songs personal to the man. The Squamish carried out a first salmon ceremony in which a ritualistic individual and the children participated. Among the Haida, girls were not allowed to consume salmon for the five years following their first period, and were required to avoid seeing a jumping salmon, because it was believed that salmon availability would decrease [11].

For the Masset Haida, a pubescent girl was not allowed to look at drying salmon, because it was believed that it would make her eyes red and inflamed as she became older. Natives of British Columbia held a first salmon ceremony, where the fish was caught, handled, and cooked according to a precise ritual, depending on the tribe [95].

They believed that in doing so, the salmon spirit would be freed and allowed to come back the following year. The Haida did not have a ceremony as important as the other tribes. The Tsimshian [81], Takelma [89], Mid-Columbia Indians [] as well as the East Sanetch, Comox, Squamish and West Sanetch [] also held a ceremony for the first salmon.

Inuit of Baffinland and Hudson Bay Cumberland Sound had many beliefs surrounding salmon: they believed the salmon had a very powerful soul, and that breaking a salmon taboo would bring about great sickness [37].

Salmon was cooked in a pot used exclusively for that purpose. Boots worn for walrus hunting could not be worn for salmon fishing, and boots were forbidden until the first salmon was fished, also caribou and walrus were not allowed to be in the same boat.

When eating, if salmon broth was spilled, the person responsible had to imagine that he or she vomited it, because it was believed that wasting food brought bad luck. Nugumiut of Frobisher Bay believed salmon and walrus could not be consumed on the same day.

Nuu-chah-nulth of Vancouver Island []. Tidal weir likely used in small bays. Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth []. Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, and no other village was allowed to fish from that trap.

The traps were able to be adjusted depending on the height of the water. The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and be stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. Men would then kill the fish with spears or clubs.

Chum salmon was very important to some cultures, and less so for other. For example, the fish was reported to have been the most prized species for the Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth []. By contrast, the Han generally fed this fish to the dogs, only consuming it in times of scarcity [].

The Chalkyitsik Kutchin of Alaska consumed chum salmon if its flesh was red, otherwise it was given to the dogs [17]. Chum salmon was highly valued by the Haida for their the kind and amount of fat, big size, eggs and availability in late fall; this was especially true in the Queen Charlottes [].

Among the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw , chum fishing was the marker of the end of the fall harvest [23]. The Southern Tutchone who lived near Burwash would catch fish at Tipi Tincup Lake, along a division of the White River [].

The Yukon Indigenous Peoples had chum available to them along the Yukon River in September; these were not as fatty as compared to those in lower Nisling and Stewart, Pelly, Little Salmon and Big Salmon rivers [].

They were also available on the Alsek River. In October, Maquina chief in the Nootka Moachat confederacy and his group moved to an abundant chum salmon fishing site over 30 miles from the coast []. Maquina held all rights to the fishing site, and so all fishermen were required to give some of their catch to him.

The Southern Tutchone near Burwash used to catch salmon at Tipi Tincup Lake, along a division of the White River []. Chum salmon was available to the South western Coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia [].

The Nuxalk had abundant supplies in the Bella Coola River [, ]. Salmon was available to the Coast Salish only in the lower Fraser River below the town of Hope and in the Harrison River [].

The Kyuquot traditionally used spears, but this method was slowly decreasing in popularity []. Among the Tahltan, weirs were outlawed at the beginning of the 20th century, but this ban was lifted in the later part of the century []. The fishing method used by the Central Coast Salish depended on the size of the stream and how clear the water was [].

Among the Northern and Central Nootka, salmon spearing was taught from a very early age, and so was not seen as a skill or luck, but as a commonly used fishing method []. If harpooning from a canoe, the harpooner positioned himself in the stern, and when he harpooned a fish, it was handed to his steering partner, who brought the fish into the canoe and clubbed it to death.

Northern cultures draped a robe made from cedar bark over their head using an outstretched arm to create a patch of shade over the water to make it more visible.

Central tribes claimed a rain hat was sufficient in making the water visible. The Vunta Kutchin had individually owned nets, where fishermen would catch fish for his family only.

Nets were checked twice a day. Fishing partnerships sometimes occurred, either to share in the fishing duties, or where one person fished, and the other was responsible for collecting supplies. Older men fish all season, whereas hunters only put nets in the water during the largest run [].

Among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta in Alaska, fishing post rights were not required due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River [].

Many different cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, while some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish. Nuu-chah-nulth []. Kyuquot women usually prepared the salmon.

It was consumed raw, baked, boiled, smoked either fresh or preserved , dried, canned or jarred. Salmon was cooked over an open fire on a stick, or on hot coals []. The Southern Okanagan stored salmon in the attic of the house, except if it had been frozen before being brought to camp, in which case the fish was consumed immediately [].

The Tahltan women prepared the salmon fresh, dried, or boiled in birch bark containers using hot stones []. Fish flesh was dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick.

Smoke was used to dry all parts. Dried fish was stored for later use in a cache packed with bark. Fresh salmon and salmon roe were braised before being wrapped in bark. Salmon heads and roe were consumed fermented: the head was stored in the ground, protected by branches and leaves, while the salmon roe was stored in a bark vessel.

Both were left for several days. Salmon heads were highly valued for consumption, while bony parts were given to the dogs. Knives with blades made from obsidian and later on steel were used for salmon butchering: it is believed that women made these knives. The cultures of Southeast Alaska Tlingit consumed chum salmon dried and smoked, soaked in sea water, or boiled fresh [].

Dried or smoked salmon was consumed with seal oil, and fresh, boiled salmon was sometimes consumed with seal or ooligan oil. Salmon heads were consumed, fermented, boiled or baked; salmon roe was consumed fermented while larger eggs were poached with black seaweed and accompanied by seal or ooligan oil.

Salmon that was caught in late autumn was preserved frozen and stored in a cache. Thawed salmon could be smoked, giving a strong-flavored meal that was not enjoyed by everyone.

Every individual had his own manner of cutting the salmon before smoking; because the cut was so unique to each person, a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card. The Kwakiutl had numerous preparation methods [22]. The butchering technique used was based on the specific treatment of the salmon i.

fresh or dried , and was done by women, as were all other tasks related to food preparation or preservation. Meals and food were prepared on mats, while men gathered wood for fire. Chum salmon was dried for later use, or roasted fresh on tongs made from red pine wood and shared amongst friends.

A salmon with white skin meant that it had already spawned, and was not stored, but roasted as well. Salmon was split in half to be hung for drying; how it was hung up depended on its stage of drying.

It was sometimes consumed with oil during the drying process. Tails and backbones were dried together, and then stored separately for later use.

The backbone was soaked before being consumed, and if eaten fresh, it was roasted using tongs that had previously been rubbed with the fish intestines. The heads were roasted either on the beach if the cheeks were to be preserved, or if not, close to the house, and consumed for lunch.

Heads were also steamed in a pitch, lying over and under a layer of skunk cabbage leaves. Hot stones covered the bottom of the pitch, and water was poured over them. Sometimes heads were boiled fresh in a kettle, and these were sometimes consumed as part of a feast with friends.

Cheeks were dried and preserved for later, while other edible parts were shared amongst the entire community. A fisherman host would invite the chiefs to consume these cheeks. Chiefs were also invited to consume boiled fresh chum salmon: it was eaten with spoons, without oil, and as dinner only.

The person of the highest rank said a prayer before they ate. Boiled chum salmon was served as an ordinary meal with family as well. Both the pectoral and anal fins were dried for winter use, and were consumed for lunch or dinner; they were soaked for several days before being boiled.

Refuses from fresh salmon were thrown back into the water, and the insides were put back at the mouth of the river to ensure fish would come back the next season.

Chum salmon that were speared were not consumed in the morning. Salmon roe was stored in a box or in a seal bladder. It was fermented and consumed boiled, accompanied with oil: this meal was prepared by men, and was not consumed in the morning.

Ground roe was consumed with salmonberry or fern roots. Another report stated that the Kwakiutl consumed preserved chum salmon roe [27]. Another report stated that because chum was much drier, it was consumed with oil []. It was consumed at any time of the day, although they were more hesitant to have it in the morning when it was considered that the fish fat would make people lethargic.

The Gitksan Gitxsan woman prepared the fish [28]. Care had to be taken to ensure the salmon was not damaged with insect eggs, sun burn, being hung improperly, being cut with improper cutting techniques, etc.

Traditional cutting tools were made of stone, bone, tooth or shell. Chum salmon was soaked when smoked, or else it hardened too much.

Dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. Cultures from the northeast coast dried chum salmon and stored it in baskets inside the house, or else roasted it on tongs, with or without its tail [14]. The eggs were stored underground in a hole lined with maple leaves, and left to ferment over two months.

They were then consumed as is or as part of a soup. Chum salmon was thought to be a good fish to preserve, due to its fat content. The central coast Salish preserved chum salmon by smoking in a smokehouse [25]. Smokehouse ownership had important social impact. It was reported that chum salmon lasted longer through winter.

The Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk also smoked salmon [13]. The People of the Yukon [78] and the Ingalik [55] dried chum. Chum salmon caught in autumn was preferred by Tsimshian for smoking due to its low fat content at that time [81]. The Chugach Yupik ground chum salmon roe before fermenting it for storage; it was then consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat [].

Puget Sound consumed the fish fresh or split open the fish before it was dried []. The Ulkatcho-Carrier roasted the fish over a fire on tongs []. These eggs were harder to bite. It was reported elsewhere that this culture smoked chum meat for winter storage [].

The Coast Salish preferred chum over other types of fish because it was regarded as a fattier fish, and so lasted longer []. They smoked chum salmon in smokehouses, although preserving and storing it was a limiting factor: the amount and size of drying racks, the fuel needed to produce smoke, and the amount of storage boxes all limited the amount of fish that was preserved each year.

Another report stated the Coast Salish consumed it dried, smoked, or canned []. Bouchard and Kennedy reported that chum salmon was likely barbecued on a three foot stick made from red cedar [].

Women also prepared it to be smoked for winter storage- it was stretched using thin pieces of red cedar made by the men, and hung on the smoking racks using a similar stick. They were smoked over a fire of alder wood for a week, piled and dried further by heat, and then tied up using rope made from cedar bark.

It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because excess smoke would turn the salmon black. Fish eggs were considered a delicacy when prepared for preservation: they were put into a bag made from deer stomach that had been turned inside out and cleaned.

It was closed and put onto a rack inside the smoke house, and was massaged every day by women; the result was a cheese like substance. The eggs were put in and covered with leaves, then soil, and left for a number of months.

When uncovered, the eggs were boiled with a bit of cold water until it was the texture of pancake batter. If the eggs were whole when first collected, they were dried in the smoke house by hanging them from a rack and rotating them every day.

This resulted in eggs that were hard on the outside but not on the inside, and so they were not cooked before consumption. They were then tied to each other with a rope made from cedar bark or stinging nettles. The Tahltan consumed chum fresh: a welcome meal after the long winter [].

Tanaina women were responsible for the cutting and drying of salmon []. The Bering Strait Yupik cut the fish open, slashed them, and then dried them on racks made from driftwood []. The Tlingit considered chum a good species of fish for drying []. Similarly, de Laguna reported that most of the fish caught by the Tlingit was dried and smoked for winter [].

The fish were slit, dried by the sun and smoked. Women performed these duties, with the help of men and slaves. Fish heads were used to obtain grease. Certain Tlingit women possessed a level of high status within the community, and it was likely due to the control over salmon, a key source of sustenance.

Women marked their batch of fish to distinguish it from others, and each kept theirs apart in the cache. To ensure the fish would return, it was believed important to either put the fish waste back into the water, or to burn it. Among the Northern Coast Salish, fish caught in October and November was dried by smoking: it was considered very good for long-term storage [].

Fish caught by the Central Coast Salish during the fall had to be smoked inside of a house in order to be preserved []. The Nootka consumed chum fresh, smoked, dried, or canned []. It was reported that the northern and central Nootka preferred this fish for preservation due to its low fat content, as well as its availability during the time when winter stores were being prepared [].

Eyak women of the Copper River Delta in Alaska were responsible for preparing and smoking the fish []. People of Port Simpson Tsimshian salted and smoked chum salmon [].

Cultures had a variety of beliefs concerning chum salmon. The Nootka used a chum salmon head to rub themselves before they went fishing for cod or halibut [34]. A male and female chum salmon were painted, and the people would sing a song. The Chinookan of the Lower Columbia held a ceremony for the first chum salmon, but by the middle of the 19th century, the ceremonies were not as important [88].

Kwakiutl women said a prayer after the first chum salmon was caught [22]. Once the first salmon were caught, the fisherman invited the chiefs of the village to consume them. A prayer was said before consumption, and fresh water was consumed after.

This was also done when it was preserved for storage. Coast Salish belief was that the chum salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house [].

Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that the Indigenous Peoples knew very well. The Spokane are reported to have caught coho salmon in large quantities []. Coho salmon is reported to have been available to the Southern Tutchone at Little Klukshu Lake [] and to the Yukon Indigenous Peoples along the Alsek River [].

The fish is said to have been available to the south western coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia River [].

The Nuxalk had abundant supplies of coho in the Bella Coola River; the fish was a primary food source for them [, ]. Among the coast Salish, coho was available in Straits waters [], the Fraser, Lillooet, Quesnel Rivers, as well as the North Thompson and branches of Shuswap Lake [].

Spawning occurred in Black Lake []. They were born in fresh water, migrated to salt water early in life, and returned to fresh water to spawn then die [].

Coho breeding occurred in Squamish streams that were connected to the ocean []. Coho was only available to the Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth in certain streams; they stayed in lower breeding areas during their first year, which enabled the Nootka to have fresh fish during the winter [].

It is reported that the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw fished for coho towards the end of the fishing season [27]. In the following table, the ethnographic information is presented in a table format, to assist the reader. Please see other salmon entries for alternate text presentations. The traps were adjustable depending on the height of the water.

The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and become stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. The Thompson N'laka'pamux consumed pink salmon, also known as humpies and hump-backed salmon, when other salmon species were scarce [94].

The Lillooet did not originally have access to pink salmon, until the addition of fish ladders made the migration possible.

This salmon was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw areas, although amounts varied immensely from year to year []. Because this type of salmon matures in its second year of life, there was usually a much larger run in odd-numbered years as compared to even.

Pink salmon was more abundant along the coast, therefore the Middle Columbia River Salish acquired this fish via trade []. They were available to the Northern Coast Salish during mid-July in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and would continue on to the southern shore of Vancouver Island, San Juan and Southern Gulf islands, Point Roberts, and the Fraser [].

Once in the Fraser, the Halkomelem, Squamish, and some cultures from the Northern Straits came to fish. Pink salmon was rare on the Chenalis and its branches, and was most likely not a native species of that area for the Southwestern Coast Salish [].

It was available to the Coast Salish in large amounts in lower areas of the Fraser River, and some were also found in Seton and Nicola Rivers []. Millions of pink salmon were reported to be available in these areas every odd-numbered year, with hardly any during even-numbered years.

They were available from August through October, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River, and stopping at Bridge River.

Other reports stated that Brem Bay was the main location for fishing the first pink salmon run [], and that they were also available in Straits waters []. Pink salmon is said to be the most important food source for the Straits people. It was sometimes available to St. Laurence Island Yupik [].

It was reported that cultures from the northwest coast caught pink salmon from the Fraser River drainage [], and that the Thompson people consumed pink salmon at Nicola River [67]. Pink salmon was available to the Coast Tsimshian from late July to early August [91]. It was available to the Bella Coola Nuxalk from August through September [], and during the spring and summer in another report [].

A small run was available to the people of Nuiqsut in beginning in August [], whereas it was reported to be available to the Squamish every two years during the month of September [].

The Katzie Coast Salish had a salmon run that began later in July, with spawning occurring in September in most small streams []. Availability for the Tahltan was during the summer, where it was welcomed after the winter months [].

Pink salmon was available to the Tanaina during the summer at Cook Inlet [], and to Port Simpson Indigenous People during the summer []. The Eyak fished for pink salmon from early May until November []. It was available every second year to the Shuswap; it was consumed during times of famine, but was not a preferred fish because its meat was too soft by the time it reached their up river fishing grounds [].

Pink salmon was not as available to the Southern Coast Salish as were other species []. Kyuquot were reported not to be fond of pink salmon []. It was consumed by the Tlingit, although it was less preferred than other species [].

The Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth run was quite small, and therefore not as important as other salmon []. In contrast, it was considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk, and was available to them along the Bella Coola River from late May through mid-July [].

It was also considered the most important food source for the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, and was available from late June to early August, with the largest amount in mid July []. Spawning occurred in all of the branches around Prince William Sound from late July to September.

Various fishing techniques were employed to catch pink salmon. Among the Tahltan, pink salmon was caught using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, as well as a gaff with a pole and detachable hook made from caribou antler or iron later on [].

A ban on the use of weirs was implemented at the beginning of the 20th century, but was lifted towards the end of the century. Cylindrical basket-like traps, spears, and hand nets were also used, as well as gill nets, which were notably used during the weir ban.

Tahltan men were responsible for the fishing. Lillooet occasionally fished for pink salmon using gill nets []. The Central Coast Salish fished for pink salmon during the summer at summer camps [25].

The Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets to catch pink salmon [7]. Each village possessed a trap along the Bella Coola River, with no other village permitted to fish from any other.

Another report described the use of weirs to catch pink salmon []. The Coast Salish used nets to catch fish in the Fraser River []. Prior to the twentieth century, pink salmon was caught by the Tanaina using weirs, basket traps, dip nets, and sometimes spears made from antlers with a single barb and detachable head [].

The twentieth century brought gill nets, which replaced all other methods, with seining, set and drift nets also employed. Men fished, whereas women cut and dried the catch.

Tlingit presumably caught pink salmon using traps that were rectangular in shape, and made of wood, which were put in weirs with a V-shape or in fences with the tip pointing upstream []. Tlingit men were also reported to have most likely caught pink salmon using spears that were feet long [].

In earlier times the point was made from bone; later on it was made from iron with numerous barbs on the tip.

The salmon trap was the most often used, with a fence put up across a stream with a few openings holding baskets upstream. This technique was also done quite often at La Perouse at Lituya Bay.

The Chilkat used traps with a funnel shape to catch pink salmon []. The Haida caught these fish in tidewater traps, in weir-trap systems set in streams, as well as with harpoons []. The Northern Coast Salish were thought to have caught pink salmon at the beginning of breeding areas using basketry traps and weirs, as well as gaff hooks, tidal traps and harpoons with either single or double shafts [].

Trawl and dip nets were used from canoes throughout July, and later on, dip nets were used from platforms. Northern Straits and Vancouver Island Clallam people used reef nets attached to two canoes with anchor lines to emulate the reef.

When the salmon run was at its peak, one net could catch several thousand fish per day. In the San Juan and Gulf Islands area, the Coast Salish caught pink salmon using reef nets attached to two canoes, whereas in lower Fraser River areas, trawl nets were used, either connected to two poles each held by a man in a canoe, or connected to a series of floats and sinkers and attached to two lines held by men in canoes [].

Around the Fraser Canyon area, rougher currents required dip nets. Another report stated that the Coast Salish used a single-pronged harpoon, with a point made from deer antler or bone and two barbs made from Douglas fir tied down with wild cherry bark twine [].

A river weir-trap system was presumably used in rivers, while men threw rocks at the fish so they entered the weir trap. Once caught, they were taken by hand, by gaff hook, or by spear. A tidal weir was presumably used in small bays.

It can be presumed that the Katzie Coast Salish caught pink salmon later into autumn using spears, dip nets, weirs, medium trawl nets, harpoons, and gaffs []. Weirs were built and operated by families, but when they had caught a sufficient supply, they allowed the salmon to swim further up river.

If someone came and asked to catch fish at their weir, the family would put the weir back into place. Harpoons were used in more shallow waters, and had either one or two tips and shafts.

The shaft was made from either fir or cedar. Gaffs were made from yew wood, and were used from canoes in deeper water or from the edge of smaller bodies of water. It was reported that among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, fishing post rights were not required, due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River [].

Many cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, whereas some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish. Fishing was the responsibility of the men. In earlier times, Port Simpson Indigenous People caught pink salmon in streams using spears and in the ocean using gill nets, beach seines, traps, and by trolling [].

In later times, the fish was caught by trolling, or by using gill nets and seine nets. In June, the Ingalik set up an foot trap at the principal fishing site on a major stream []. Tahltan women were responsible for pink salmon preparation [].

Fish heads were considered a choice part, and were consumed fermented along with salmon roe. The heads were stored in the ground protected by branches and leaves, and roe was stored in a bark vessel; both were kept in a pit over a few days.

Fresh salmon and its roe were braised wrapped in bark, and fish was boiled in birch bark containers using hot rocks. It was also consumed fresh or its flesh was smoke-dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick.

The fish was stored frozen, and dried fish was stored in a cache packed with bark. Storage related activities were performed by everyone. Special care was taken to ensure that the fish was not contaminated with fly eggs. It was believed that salmon preparation knives were made by Tahltan women from obsidian, and later on from steel.

Pink salmon parts that were not consumed by people included mostly bony parts, and were given to the dogs. Specifically, fish heads were considered a choice part for human consumption, while mostly bony parts were given to the dogs.

Another report stated that the Tahltan simply consumed pink salmon fresh []. Natives from Southeast Alaska Tlingit consumed pink salmon fresh and boiled, with seal or ooligan oil, as well as it was preserved by cooking it with berries known as kaneegwal [].

Every individual had their own way of cutting the salmon before smoking that was so unique that a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card.

Smoked salmon was consumed as is or was soaked in seawater, and could also be preserved for a long time. The fish were slit, dried by the sun, smoked, and baled; this was done by women, with the help of men and slaves. In addition, grease was obtained by Tlingit from fish heads.

It was reported that certain Tlingit women held a high level of status within the community, presumably due to their control over salmon, which was a key source of sustenance. Tlingit women were also reported to prepare the salmon by taking the tails, fins and heads off of its body, cutting the remaining flesh open and draping it onto a piece of wood in the shape of a triangle in a way that was easily cleaned [].

The meat was then hung to be dried skin side down, shielded from adverse weather. Salmon and salmon roe have only recently come into use in making sashimi raw fish and sushi , with the introduction of parasite-free Norwegian salmon in the late s. Ordinary types of cooked salmon contain —1, mg DHA and —1, mg EPA two similar species of fatty acids per grams [8].

Contents move to sidebar hide. Article Talk. Read Edit View history. Tools Tools. What links here Related changes Upload file Special pages Permanent link Page information Cite this page Get shortened URL Download QR code Wikidata item.

Download as PDF Printable version. In other projects. Wikimedia Commons. Fish used for eating. Salmon sashimi. Link to USDA Database entry.

Salmon flesh is generally orange to red, although there are some examples of white-fleshed wild salmon. The natural color of salmon results from carotenoid pigments, largely astaxanthin and canthaxanthin in the flesh.

This scale is specific for measuring the pink colour due to astaxanthin and is not for the orange hue obtained with canthaxanthin. The development of processing and storage operations, which can be detrimental on canthaxanthin flesh concentration, has led to an increased quantity of pigments added to the diet to compensate for the degrading effects of the processing.

In wild fish, carotenoid levels of up to 25 mg are present, but levels of canthaxanthin are, in contrast, minor. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. January Salmon steak left and fillets right in a market. Salmon teriyaki.

Salmon roe , sometimes called red caviar. Approximately 1. Food Standards Agency. Archived from the original on 18 December Nuse 22 December Retrieved 19 November Institute of Marine Research, Norway.

Retrieved 10 June Environmental Pollution. doi : ISSN PMC PMID Seafood Watch, Monterey Bay Aquarium, California. National Public Radio. Archived from the original on 24 April Retrieved 14 January Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Health, Office of the Secretary, U.

Department of Health and Human Services. Archived from the original on 8 April Retrieved 2 May Scandinavian feasts: celebrating traditions throughout the year. of Minnesota Press. North Atlantic Seafood: A Comprehensive Guide with Recipes.

Ten Speed Press. Archived from the original on 16 December Retrieved 19 July Lonely Planet. ISBN Does it matter? It was unspeakably delicious, in any event, and for a small consideration - I'm not talking Airbus money here, just a modest sum - I would be willing to nominate Aunt Viola's vinatarta as Canada's national dessert.

Johnson said. On Canada Day, in a park in Saskatoon, I met a man named Sean Garibay, newly arrived from the Philippines.

A former journalist, he had followed his wife, a nurse, to Saskatoon and a better life for their children. Now, he was working as a housekeeper. We were sitting at a picnic table under a tent to avoid a morning sun shower. I've had pierogies, pancakes, but we have those things in our countries.

He had it: "Canadian food," he said, "has less salt. That was when Mr. Pohorelic was still the executive chef at Calgary's River Café. Two weeks later, he joined a national trend and retired - in his 40s - to become an instructor at the Southern Alberta Institute of Technology, where he hopes to shape Alberta into a leader in the local-food movement.

There's a lot of ambition in the food world these days, and more and more of it is devoted to something other than frantic hour weeks in a restaurant. Then he disappeared into the kitchen and prepared me a starter: freshly butchered Alberta-rabbit tenderloin on a cherry compote, garnished with edible flowers.

A single, tiny rabbit kidney adorned the side of the plate. I had never eaten anything like that before.

Here is what I think of most often when I imagine a Canadian meal: lunch with Bill and Rosemary Terry on the patio of their seaside home in Sechelt, a seaplane's hop up the coast from Vancouver. I didn't know them, either, but they had invited me to stay for a few days.

All these stories are stories of kindness. They had met at the CBC, where he had been second-in-command of CBC Radio, and where she was a crack producer. They fell in love, divorced their spouses, melded their families, started over, the usual. Unusually, it worked. Nowadays, Mr. Terry claims to be retired, but he recently published a book about his specialty, the Himalayan blue poppy - the notoriously difficult holy grail of the serious gardener, but which Mr.

Terry grows the way other men grow ear hair. I remember sitting outside in the sun and watching the Pacific Ocean flutter onto the beach, 40 metres from their house.

Terry - a brilliant cook, a voracious reader, a secret food writer - brought out lunch on a pretty tray. There were small hand-peeled B. shrimp, hot smoked salmon, smoked mackerel, maple-cured salmon candy, crème fraîche mixed with dill and horseradish, and on another platter three cheeses: a round of David Woods's goat cheese from Saltspring Island, a brie from Natural Pastures in Courtenay, B.

There was mustard and Rosemary's own sourdough bread, baked from a starter culture she has fed and maintained for 15 years. They have to find it a home whenever they go on holiday. Rosemary's starter is more trouble than Carlo, their poodle.

We sat in the sun by the sea and ate some of the finest Canadian versions of simple, ancient foods fish, cheese, bread, wine and talked about whatever came to mind. Something always did.

They were the kind of people who cared as deeply about reading and conversation as they did about food. The common ground between the three is pleasure, and a belief that pleasure can be as interesting, as revealing and as profound as anything else, even its opposite. How much does pleasure matter?

Was I simply trying to justify my love of it by pompously calling it a national cuisine? I thought about those questions every time I sat down to eat consciously and deliberately, with zest or with attention.

It will always be cheaper to eat at McDonald's, to consume the standardized products of the industrialized food machine, and sometimes you have to. But it is never as satisfying or as interesting as eating more personally. These days, I discovered, there is no place in Canada you can't at least try.

I just wish the places were closer together in this huge thing we call a country. That way, we could visit, eat and talk more often. Editor's note: Mark Busse founded foodist. Incorrect information originally appeared in this article.

Ian Brown is a feature writer and columnist for The Globe and Mail. See what Canadians from coast to coast had to say, and share yours here.

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Traditjons have culinar been the symbol and lifeblood of the people salnon call the Pacific Fat burners for enhanced energy levels home. Columbia Basin salmon Wile an Wild salmon culinary traditions role in the ecosystem of the region, returning ocean nutrients to the Wild salmon culinary traditions and streams where they were born, feeding wildlife and even the forests with their bodies. For thousands of years, salmon also shaped the lives of the people who have lived here since time immemorial. The cultures, intertribal interactions, fishing technologies, and very religions of the Pacific Northwest tribes were all impacted and influenced by salmon. These fish have been an important part of the economies of the region for thousands of years, from the ancient Indian trade routes to modern commercial fishing.

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Norwegian Smoked Salmon – Why It’s The Best - A Typical Dish From Norway Cklinary article was published more culinzry 13 years ago. Some Turbocharge your energy may no longer be current. Small hand-peeled B. shrimp, Wipd Wild salmon culinary traditions salmon, Wild salmon culinary traditions mackerel, maple-cured salmon candy, and creme fraiche mixed with dill and horseradish, in Sechelt. If we must have a national dish in Canada - and people ask all the time, in all the talking we do about food - we could do worse than wild salmon.